ChinaKnowledge.de -
An Encyclopaedia on Chinese History, Literature and Art

The Mongols During the Qing Period

Apr 29, 2018 © Ulrich Theobald

The designations "Inner" and "Outer" Mongolia (Nei Menggu 内蒙古, Wai Menggu 外蒙古, in Mongolian Dotuɣadu Mongol and Γadaɣadu Mongol, in Manchu Dorgi Monggo and Tulergi Monggo) are stemming from a political issue in the early 17th century, when part of the Mongol tribes—those living in the eastern and southern parts of the steppe—submitted to the Manchus, while the other part—roaming in the northern steppe zone—remained independent for half a century more.

Map 1. The Mongol tribes of Inner and Outer Mongolia during the Qing period
The Mongol tribes of Inner and Outer Mongolia during the Qing period. Note that the borders of the two territories were not fully identical to the modern state of Mongolia and the Autononous Region of Inner Mongolia. During the Qing period, Outer Mongolia extended farther to the northwest (today's Russia and Kazakhstan), and Inner Mongolia included territories today belonging to the provinces of Heilongjiang, Jilin, Liaoning, Shaanxi, Gansu, and the Autonomous region of Ningxia. Mongol tribes were also living in Xinjiang, Qinghai (Kökö Nur), Tibet and Heilongjiang. Click to enlarge.

Inner Mongolia

The oldest line of the Borjigid expired in 1669 with Burni, a grandson of Ligdan Qan. Carefully planned marriage policy, along with certain cultural affinities, allowed the Manchus to gain dominance over the tribes of Inner Mongolia. Yet as early as 1635, the Manchus came into possession of the old seal of the Mongol Great Khans. This was the chance for Hong Taiji, khan of the Manchus (name change from Jurchen to Manchu in 1636), to adopt the title of emperor and of Great Khan. Forty-nine dignitaries of Mongol tribes attended his enthronement. Their 24 tribes (ayimaɣ, in Chinese bu 部 or buluo 部落) were reorganized in six leagues (čiɣhulɣan, in Chinese meng 盟) and 49 banners (qosiɣun, Chinese qi 旗) which would eventually constitute the population of Inner Mongolia. In the beginning, the tribe leaders retained their power, but soon became seal-holding functionaries of the Qing government.

Table 1. Organization of the "Inner Mongols" in leagues and banners in the mid-17th century
Jerim League (Zhelimu Meng 哲里木盟)
Qorčin (6 banners) Ke'erqin 科爾沁
Jalaid (1) Zhalaite 扎賚特
Dörbed (1) Du'erbote 杜爾伯特 (Borjigid clan)
Gorlos (2) Guo'erluosi 郭爾羅斯
Josutu League (Zhuosutu Meng 卓索圖盟)
Qaracin (3) Kalaqin 喀喇沁
Tümed (2) Tumote 土默特
Joo Uda League (Zahowuda Meng 昭烏達盟)
Aoqan (1) Aohan 敖漢
Naiman (1) Naiman 奈曼
Baɣarin (2) Balin 巴林
Jarud (2) Zhalute 扎魯特
Aru Qorčin (1) Alu Ke'erqin 阿嚕科爾沁
Ongniɣud (2) Wengniute 翁牛特
Kesigten (1) Keshiketeng 克什克騰
Left-Wing Qalqa (1) Ka'erka zuoyi 喀爾喀左翼
Silinggol League (Xilinguole Meng 錫林郭勒盟)
Üjumüčin (2) Wuzhumuqin 烏珠穆沁
Qaɣučid (2) Haoqite 浩齊特
Sünid (2) Sunite 蘇尼特
Abaɣa (2) Abage 阿巴噶
Abaɣanar (2) Abahana'er 阿巴哈納爾
Ulanjab League (Wulanchabu Meng 烏蘭察布盟)
Dörben Keüked (1) Sizi buluo 四子部落
Muumingɣan (1) Maoming'an 茂明安
Urad (3) Wulate 烏拉特
Right-Wing Qalqa (1) Ka'erka youyi 喀爾喀右翼
Yeke Joo League (Yikezhao Meng 伊克昭盟)
Ordos (7) E'erduosi 鄂爾多斯

Apart from the six leagues with forty-nine banners, the remaining Čaqar tribes, organized in eight banners, were directly subordinated to the Manchu rulers, as a punishment for their siding with Ligdan. These Banners (not to be confused with the Mongolian Banners inside the Eight Banner system) were designed in imitation of the Manchu Banners, with plain and bordered colours. There were also more Čaqar tribes in Inner Mongolia, residing over the four imperial pasturelands (muchang 牧場) Šangdu, Mingɣan, and the Left and Right Wing, the two banners of the Tümed from Köke Qota (Guihuacheng Tumote 歸化城土默特, dissolved in 1763), as well as the banner of the Alaša (Alashan 阿拉善) and that of the Edsine-Torgud (Ejina Tu'erhute 額濟納土爾扈特) - the last two were known as the two banners west of the Great River Bend (Taoxi er qi 套西二旗).

From 1638 on, Manchu-Mongol relations were regulated by the Court of Colonial Affairs (lifanyuan 理藩院)—some authors call it "Colonial Ministry". In the same year, the "Outer" Mongols established regular diplomatic relations with the Manchu empire. In 1688, the khan of the Western Mongols, Galdan (1632 or 1644-1697), invaded Outer Mongolia, and exerted so much pressure on the Mongols that the Lama "bishop" of Outer Mongolia, the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu (rJe-bcun dam-pa Qutuqtu) Öndör Geɣen Dsanabadsar (1635-1723), suggested to request support from the Manchus, rather than from Russia. Three years later, the dignitaries of the Eastern Mongols were received by the Kangxi Emperor in Doluɣan Naɣur (Dolon Nor) and declared their submission under the Manchus. From then on, Outer Mongolia was a protectorate of the Qing empire.

Unlike in earlier times, when boundaries between the tribes were not fixed, the Qing bureaucratized the administration of Inner Mongolia and did not allow the Mongolian tribes to trespass the boundaries of the lands assigned to them. The most important reason for this measure was to prevent the rise of one powerful leader who tried to gain dominance over other tribes and create a federation. Banners were subdivided according to the traditional socio-military system of the Mongols into "arrows" (sumun) and regiments (jalan). Heads of Mongol Banners were Banner Princes (jasaɣ, Chinese transcription zhasake 扎薩克) who reported directly to the Qing emperor and submitted annual tributes. Princeship was interitable, but inheritance required confirmation by the Qing emperor. Other members of the traditional Mongol nobility were given ranks according to the nobility system of the Qing, with ten grades ranging from Qošoi čin vang to that of tayiji of the 4th grade. Noblemen other than the Banner Princes had no political functions. The Leagues, which only served administrative and judicial purposes, were administered by League Heads (čiɣulɣan-u daruɣa) selected from the respective League and appointed by the emperor. Disputes were settled during conferences which were held every three years.

The Court of Colonial Affairs had six departments, three of which were responsible for Inner Mongolia, the first one (Qiji qinglisi 旗籍清吏司) with general administrative matters (borders, household registration, ennoblement, alliances, courier stations, military recruitment), the second (Wanghui qinglisi 王會清吏司) with the reception of visitors and tributes, salaries and gifts, and the third (Lixing qinglisi 理刑清吏司) with judicial matters.

The Lifanyuan also included schools for translation from and into the languages Tibetan, Mongolian, and Russian. The Tibetan School (Töbed surɣaɣuli) was of great importance because Tibetan Buddhism (Lamaism) occupied a central role in the life of Mongols, also in a political sense. The Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, a "Mongolian Dalai Lama", who resided in Urɣa (Urga, Kulun 庫倫, today's Ulan Bataar), had great influence on political decisions. The Kangxi Emperor therefore summoned a high Lama, the Janggiya Qutuγtu (Changkya Khutukhtu, lCang-skya Ho-thog-thu, Zhang-jia hu-tu-ke-tu 章嘉呼圖克圖) Ngawang Losang Chöden (Ngag-dbang bLo-bzang Chos-ldan, A-ban Luo-sang Qu-dian 阿班羅桑曲殿, 1642-1714), to the court in Beijing and promoted him to a position only fourth to the Dalai Lama, the Panchen Lama and the Jebtsundamba. His successor, Changkya Rölpé Dorjé (1717-1786), was an eminent diplomat in the Qing relations with Mongolia, Qinghai, and Tibet. The summer residence of the Changkya Khutukhtu was in Dolon Nor (the winter residence was in Songzhu Monastery 嵩祝寺 in Beijing), and he therefore became the spiritual head of Inner Mongolia, as a counterpart to the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu in Outer Mongolia.

During the war against the Oyirad khan Galdan, Inner Mongolia was the centre of military activity, but in later campaigns against the Western Mongols, Inner Mongolia remained undisturbed, and therefore experienced a peaceful period in the 18th century.

Of particular importance was the visit of the 6th Panchen Lama Lobsang Palden Yeshe (1738–1780) in Beijing in 1780. He travelled across Inner Mongolia and so demonstrated the unity of worldly and secular rule as it was created between the Qing court and the Gelugpa school of the Lamaist tradition. Thereafter, the interest of the Qing rulers in keeping up these intensive cooperation with the Lamaist clergy diminished.

The 19th century was a period of social, cultural and economic deterioration of Inner Mongolia. While the Qing dynasty was occupied with the problems of diplomatic and economic relations with Western countries and with numerous rebellions in China proper, its grip on the colonies hardened.

The gap between the class of nobility and the clergy on the one hand and the common people on the other widened. The difference between commoners and bondservants of the nobility (qamjilɣa) and those of the monasteries (šabi) blurred, and people who had formerly paid taxes to the Qing state, came under the spell of landowners and nobles who financed their luxurious lives and the construction of monasteries by exploiting the peasant or nomad population. The winners of this development were Chinese traders and craftsmen who profited from the marketing of Chinese goods and the construction work in the cities of Inner Mongolia. The one or other consumer financed his indulgence by transferring to Chinese merchants the right to levy taxes.

Quite a particular aspect in the social development of Inner Mongolia was the custom to spend at least part of the life in a monastery. Around 1900, there were more than 1,000 monasteries in Inner Mongolia, and between 30 and 65 per cent of the male population were monks (Kämpfe 1986: 427).

While it was in earlier times forbidden for Chinese to settle down in Inner Mongolia, the Qing did not longer care to enforce this regulation in the 19th century (as they did open Manchuria for Chinese settlement), so that more and more Chinese settlers arrived—a tendency wakening up a new nationalist sentiment. Research has shown that the social problem in Inner Mongolia in the 19th century was not "class struggle" between exploiters and exploited, but a hatred of the poor against the sinification of the nobility. Around 1900, an urban proletariat emerged in the cities of Kalgan (today's Zhangjiakou 張家口, Hebei) and Guihua (today's Huhehaote 呼和浩特, in modern Mongolian pronounced Hohhot). Impoverished peasants and nobles joined in rebellious societies like the "Circle" Movement (Duɣuyilang), and in 1861, a rebellion of nomads and Chinese settlers targeted at landowners and Chinese merchants. The 1911 Revolution in China made things even worse for Inner Mongolia.

Outer Mongolia

The tribes of Outer Mongolia (Qalqa, a term referring to both the region and the tribes) decided in 1691 to accept the suzerainty of the Qing empire. The reason for this decision was the threat by the Western Mongols under Galdan Khan. Yet his fate also shows that the loyalty of the Mongols was directed towards individual leaders, and not to a nation or the institution of khanate. For this reason the emergence and downfall of great leaders (Ligdan, Esen) of the steppe rarely resulted in the creation of a long-lasting empire. The only ties uniting all Mongolian tribes was the common descent of the nobility from Činggis Qaɣan, and the religion of Lamaism.

The tribes of the Qalqa were organized in four khanates, whose leaders were called (inheritable titles) Tüsiyetü Qan, Sayin Noyan Qan, Sečen Qan, and Jasaɣtu Qan. Related to them by descent from the Borjigid family was the religious head of Qalqa, the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu.

Table 2. Outer Mongolian Tribes
The Four Qalqa Khanates
Sečen Qan (20-23 Banners) Residing in Kerülen Bars Qota Ka'erka Chechen Han bu 喀爾喀車臣汗部
Tüsiyetü Qan (20) Qan Aɣula Ka'erka Tuxietu Han bu 喀爾喀土謝圖汗部
Sayin Noyan Qan (24, incl. 2 Oyirad-Ögeled Banner) Čečerlig Ka'erka Saiyin Nuoyan bu 喀爾喀賽因諾顏部
Jasaɣtu Qan (19, incl. 1 Oyirad-Qoyid Banner) Biidüri-e naɣur Ka'erka Zhasaketu Han bu 喀爾喀札薩克圖汗部 (+ Huite 輝特)
Others
Tannu Uryangqai (9) Tangnu Wulianghai 唐努烏梁海
Altai Uryangqai (7) A'ertai Wulianghai 阿爾泰烏梁海
Altai Naɣur Uryangqai (2) A'ertai Nao'er Wulianghai 阿爾泰淖爾烏梁海 or A'ertai Nuo Wulianghai 阿爾泰諾烏梁海
Dörbed (14, and 2 Qoyid Banners) Du'erbote 杜爾伯特 (+ Huite 輝特)
Jaqchin (2) Zhahaqin 札哈沁部
Oyirad from Kobdo (1) Kebuduo Elute 科布多額魯特部
Myanggat (1) Ming'ate 明阿特部
New Torɣut (2) Xin Tu'erhute 新土爾扈特部
New Qošod (1) Xin Heshuote 新和碩特部
Mongols in Xinjiang
Old Torɣut (10) Jiu Tu'erhute 舊土爾扈特部
Middle-Route Qošod (4) Zhonglu Heshuote 中路和碩特部
Ili (13) Yili 伊犁
Mongols in Qinghai (Kökö Naɣur)
Oyirad (29) Qinghai Elute 青海額魯特
Qošod (21) Qinghai Heshuote 青海和碩特部
Qoyid (1) Qinghai Huite 青海輝特部
Čoros (2) Qinghai Chuoluosi 青海綽羅斯部
Torgut (4) Qinghai Tu'erhute 青海土爾扈特部
Qalqa (1) Qinghai Ka'erka 青海喀爾喀部
Mongols in Manchuria
Oyirad (1) Heilongjiang Elute 黑龍江額魯特部
Dörbed (1) Heilongjiang Du'erbote 黑龍江杜爾伯特部

Apart from these organized "Outer Mongolians", Mongolian persons lived as Mongols of the Eight Banners (Baqi Menggu 八旗蒙古), the Inner Mongolian Čaqar of the Eight Banners (baqi Chaha'er 八旗察哈爾), the Mongolian Banner troops in Xinjiang (Xinjiang zhufang baqi 新疆駐防八旗), the Eight-Banner Čaqar in Ili (Yili Chaha'er baqi 伊犁察哈爾八旗), the Eight-Banner Oyirads in Ili (Yili Elute baqi 伊犁額魯特八旗), the Oyirad banners in Tarbagatai (Ta'erbahatai Elute qi 塔爾巴哈臺額魯特旗), the Eight-Banner Mongols in Dam, Central Tibet (Damu Menggu baqi 達木蒙古八旗), the 39 Mongol tribes in Hor, Western Tibet (Huo'er sanshijiu zu 霍爾三十九族), and the Eight-Banner Mongols troops of the Hölün Buyir (Huolunbei'er 呼倫貝爾, i.e. [Qaɣu]čin Barɣu 陳巴爾虎 and Sin-e Barɣu 新巴爾虎) in Heilongjiang.

Outer Mongolia was threatened by two sides, first the Oyirads, whose ruler Batur Qung Tayiji (d. 1653 or 1665), a descendant of Esen, and his son Galdan (d. 1697), several times invaded Qalqa, and second, the Russian empire which pushed towards Central Asia and the Far East.

The trouble in outer Mongolia began with the murder of the Jasaɣtu Qan by people from the Tüsiyetü khanate. Continuing quarrels provoked the invasion of Galdan, head of the Dzunghars, with 30,000 men in 1688. He annihilated the army of the Tüsiyetü Qan. The latter and the religious head of Outer Mongolia, the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, fled to the Inner Mongolian tribe of the Sünid, and decided to ask the Qing emperor for protection. Religious and cultural ties suggested such a step, while an alliance with the Russians would not promise much help. Moreover, the Qing empire was at that time negotiating on border trade with Russia anyway—the eventual Treaty of Nerchinsk (in Manchu Nibcu, in Chinese known as Nibuchu tiaoyue 尼布楚條約) from 1689. It regulated the sovereignty over territories along the rivers Argun and Amur. This treaty was followed in 1727 by that of Kyakhta, in Chinese Qiaketu tiaoyue 恰克圖條約. This treaty fixed diplomatic relations, the northern border of Outer Mongolia (but not that of Eastern Turkestan, the eventual Xinjiang), and opened the caravan trade delivering Chinese tea to Russia.

The Qing offered the Qalqa refugees pastureland, but planned to liberate their homeland from Galdan in order to bring them back. When Galdan left his winter quarters in Kobdo (western part of today's Mongolia) in 1690, he was confronted with the rebellion of his nephew Tsewang Arabdan (1643-1727), but also had to continue his fight against remaining Qalqa tribes. The Kangxi Emperor launched an attack against him, and Galdan was defeated by Prince Fuciowan's (Fuquan 福全, 1853-1703) artillery in the battle of Ulan Butung (today's Chifeng 赤峰, Inner Mongolia). The Emperor received the Qalqa nobles and proclaimed the integration of Outer Mongolia into the Qing empire.

Galdan invaded Outer Mongolia once more in 1695. This time, the Kangxi Emperor decided to command the campaign in person. His army consisted of 100,000 troops and marched in three columns. In June 1696, the Emperor and Fiyanggū (Feiyanggu 費揚古, 1645-1701) reached the banks of River Kerülün and became aware that Galdan had fled to the west. Scarcity of supply prevented the Qing troops from further pursuing the enemy, barring a small contingent of elite troops, which met Galdan in battle at Juun Modun (close to present-day Ulan Bataar) a week later. Galdan escaped with 1,000 men, but refused to surrender. In Spring 1697 a third campaign was in preparation, but Galdan decided to commit suicide.

The relations between the Qalqa tribes and the Qing empire were first regulated in 1789 with the promulgation of the code Menggu lüli 蒙古律例, which was refined in 1817 by the Lifanyuan zeli 理蕃院則例. The Outer Mongolian Bureau (dianshu qinglisi 典屬清吏司) of the Lifanyuan organized internal borders, ennoblements (fengjue 封爵), internal alliances, courier stations (yidi 驛遞), military organization (junlü 軍旅), religious aspects (also of Tibet), the pasture rights (of the Čaqar), and internal and external trade. The Outer Mongolian Reception Bureau (rouyuan qingli si 柔遠清吏司) was responsible for visits and salaries of, and presents to the Qalqa Princes and nobles (jasaɣ vang gung 扎薩克王公). Judicial matters were regulated by the Judicial Bureau (Lixing qinglisi).

The Qing retained the organization of the Qalqa into four Leagues and 86 Banners, which were controlled by Banner Princes. The latter were supervised by a League Leader (jasaɣ, Chinese zhasake 札薩克) selected and appointed by the emperor, and were from 1781 on hereditary, even if each succession required the confirmation by the Qing court. The Banner Princes were obtaining a salary paid by the Qing, and were thus more or less officials of the Qing empire. In comparison with Inner Mongolia, Outer Mongolia retained a much higher grade of autonomy, and did not experience problems with Chinese merchants or settlers. On the other hand, the Qalqa had much to contribute to the Qing wars, while the nobility of Inner Mongolia had the chance to rise to high offices in the central administration of the Qing empire.

The Qalqa were responsible for the more than 70 courier stations in their territory, the protection of the border to Russia and the western border in the Altai Range, the supervision of imperial pastures and the flocks grazing on them, and of the fields around Kobdo on which military supply was cultivated. The postal stations alone required an amount of 3 million horses a year (Veit 1986b: 499). The Qalqa army consisted of 169 cavalry squadrons with 150 troops each (ibid.). Young men served in turn, and were ordered to use the traditional weapon bow and arrow, and not the musket. Qalqa troops participated in the long-lasting war against the Dzunghars from 1718 to 1739, and in the second war, which included campaigns against the turmoils in Eastern Turkestan, from 1754 to 1759. The first Dzunghar war required four million horses and about ten thousand troops per League (Veit 1986b: 453).

After the death of Galdan, his nephew Tsewang Arabdan took over command, and then his son Galdan Čering (d. 1745). In 1718, a cousin of Tsewang Arabdan, Čeringdondub Senior, occupied Lhasa. Two years later, Tibet was liberated. The Qing troops were commanded by the oldest son of the Kangxi Emperor, Prince Injy (Yinti 胤禔, 1672-1735, after 1722 called Yūnjy, in Chinese Yunti 允禔), and the generals Funinggan (d. 1728), Furdan (1683-1753), Siboo (d. 1742), and Yanxin (XXX). In the following decade, only minor clashes occurred. The foremost Mongolian commander of this period was Čering, a brother-in-law of the Yongzheng Emperor 雍正 (r. 1722-1735). His sons Čenggünjab and Čebdenjab held important posts in the military administration of Outer Mongolia. In 1731 and 1732, Čering repelled Dzunghar invasions under Čeringdondub Senior and Junior. Between 1734 and 1739, the Qing negotiated with the Dzunghars and fixed the border in the Altai Range.

The next war broke out as an internal conflict between the leader of the Dzunghars, Dawači (d. 1759), and the khan of the Qoyid, Amursana (1723-1757). The latter asked in 1754 to become a subject of the Qing, his tribe received grazing grounds in Outer Mongolia, and he was made a military commander during the short war against Dawači. This last Oyirad khan of the Dzunghars was detained in Beijing, where he died. Amursana thereupon desired to become great khan of the Dzunghars, and tried to conspire with some of the Qalqa leaders, like Činggünjab from the Jasaɣtu Qan League who warned Amursana to flee before he would be arrested.

The ensuing campaigns against Amursana were commanded by Bandi 班第 (1664-1755), Hadaha 哈達哈 (d. 1759), and Jaohūi (Zhaohui 兆惠, 1708-1764) over the imperial troopos, and Sangjayidorji and Čebdenjab over the Mongolian contingents. In 1756 Amursana was defeated and escaped to the Kazakhs who lived on Russian territory. At the same time, Činggünjab rebelled against the Qing regime. A year later Amursana died from smallpox, and Činggünjab's rebellion failed, and he was executed. The Qianlong Emperor 乾隆 (r. 1735-1796) appointed loyal Mongol leaders for the administration of Outer Mongolia, among others, Čenggünjab as military governor of Uliyasutai (Wuliyasutai jiangjun 烏里雅蘇臺將軍), and convoked the Qalqa nobles to confess their treason and swear loyalty to the Qing. The military governors controlled Outer Mongolia, Tannu Uryangqai, and Kobdo.

The Qing carried out an ethnical cleansing in Dzungharia, scattered the surviving families into the four winds, and resettled other tribes in the northwest, for instance, Čaqar families. The Qianlong Emperor also saw to it that future reincarnations of the "national" figure of Outer Mongolia, the Jebtsundamba Khutuktu, were only Tibetan persons without ties to the Mongol nobility. In this way, a possible leader for future rebellions would not emerge.

The 19th century was in Outer Mongolia characterized by economic and political stagnation. In 1860 the first Russian consulate was opened in Urga, as one requirement of the Treaty of Aigun (Aihun tiaoyue 璦琿條約) from 1858. Like Inner Mongolia, Qalqa was also visited by Chinese merchants who directly bought local products and shipped them to China. In earlier ages, the Mongols had brought their products to Chinese border markets. Chinese merchants also sold Chinese products in Outer Mongolia, often enough by giving credit to their customers. In many cases, whole Banners became economically dependent from Chinese merchant houses. The Qing government tried to impose strict regulations on Chinese merchants, for instance, the prohibition to purchase real estate, or to marry Mongol girls, but to no avail. The social outcome was similar to that in Inner Mongolia, with impoverishment, increasing banditry, and the emergence of an urban proletariat in the few cities. Some of the bandits, like Toroi Bandi (d. 1904) or Toɣtaqu Tayiji (d. 1922), became popular heroes.

Yet not all nobles were corrupt or profligate. Among the positive examples is Hetsu Vang Toɣtaqutörü (1797-1887, also called To Wang), who was highly educated, wrote books on administration and economic policy, promoted industries, founded schools, and stimulated the arts. He also recognized that the clergy profited immensely from tax-exemption, and brought forward measures to re-organize and "purify" cleric life.

In mid-1911, a delegation from Outer Mongolia arrived in Sankt Petersburg, asked for Russian support of more autonomy inside the Qing empire, but the Revolution changed all options, and Russia voted for Mongol autonomy. On December 30, 1911, the Republic of Mongolia was founded.

Sources:
Boldbaatar, Jigjidiin, David Sneath (2006). "Ordering Subjects: Mongolian Civil and Military Administration (Seventeenth to Twentieth centuries)", in David Sneath, ed. Imperial Statecraft: Political Forms and Techniques of Governance in Inner Asia, Sixth-Twentieth Centuries (Bellingham, WA: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University for Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit, University of Cambridge), 295-315.
Charleux, Isabelle (2006). "The Khan's City: Kökeqota and the Role of a Capital City in Mongolian State Formation", in David Sneath, ed. Imperial Statecraft: Political Forms and Techniques of Governance in Inner Asia, Sixth-Twentieth Centuries (Bellingham, WA: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University for Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit, University of Cambridge), 175-206.
Chetyrova, L. (2014). "Russian Policy toward Kalmyks and Jungars during the Decline of the Jungar Khanate", in I. Lkhagvasuren, Yuki Konagaya, ed. Oirat People: Cultural Uniformity and Diversification (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology), 81-87.
Di Cosmo, Nicola (2006). "Competing Strategies of Great Khan Legitimacy in the Context of the Chaqar-Manchu Wars (c. 1620-1634)", in David Sneath, ed. Imperial Statecraft: Political Forms and Techniques of Governance in Inner Asia, Sixth-Twentieth Centuries (Bellingham, WA: Center for East Asian Studies, Western Washington University for Mongolia and Inner Asia Studies Unit, University of Cambridge), 245-263.
Di Cosmo, Nicola (2012). "From Alliance to Tutelage: A Historical Analysis of Manchu-Mongol Relations before the Qing Conquest", Frontiers of History in China, 7/2: 175-197.
Elverskog, Johan (2007). "Tibetocentrism, Religious Conversion and the Study of Mongolian Buddhism", in Uradyn E. Bulag, Hildegard G.M. Diemberger, ed. The Mongolia-Tibet Interface: Opening New Research Terrains in Inner Asia: PIATS 2003: Tibetan Studies: Proceedings of the Tenth Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Oxford, 2003 (Leiden/Boston, MA: Brill), 59-80.
Enwall, Joakim (2010). "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Mongolia and Inner Mongolia", Asian Ethnicity, 11/2: 239-257.
Krueger, John R. (1972). "The Ch‘ien-Lung Inscriptions of 1755 and 1758 in Oirat-Mongolian", Central Asiatic Journal, 16/1: 59-69.
Heuschert, Dorothea (1998). Die Gesetzgebung der Qing für die Mongolen im 17. Jahrhundert: anhand des Mongolischen Gesetzbuches aus der Kangxi-Zeit (1662-1722) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
Jagchid, Sechin (1968). "Reasons for the Nondevelopment of Nomadic Power in North Asia since the Eighteenth Century", Asia: Journal of the Society for Asian Studies, 1/1: 20-30.
Jagchid, Sechin (1974). "Mongolian Lamaist Quasi-Feudalism during the Period of Manchu Domination", Mongolian Studies, 1: 27-54.
Jagchid, Sechin (1984). "The Sinicization of the Mongolian Ruling Class in the Late Manchu Ch‘ing Period", Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan (Tokyo), 28-29: 52-69.
Jagchid, Sechin (1992). "Mongolian Military Assistance to the Manchus at the Beginning of the Ch‘ing Dynasty", in Bernard Hung-Kay Luk, ed. Contacts Between Cultures, Volume 4, Eastern Asia: History and Social Sciences (Lewiston, NY: Mellen), 25-28.
Kukeev, D. (2014). "Locations of Oirat Tribes in the 18th Century Jungar Khanate, According to Modern Chinese Historiography", in I. Lkhagvasuren, Yuki Konagaya, ed. Oirat People: Cultural Uniformity and Diversification (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology), 71-79.
Miyawaki, Junko (1982). "The Khalkha Mongols in the Seventeenth Century", in Ch‘en Chieh-hsien, ed. Proceedings of International Ch‘ing Archives Symposium, July 2, 1978-July 6, 1978, Taipei, China (Taipei: National Palace Museum): 178-181.
Miyawaki, Junko (1984). "The Qalqa Mongols and the Oyirad in the Seventeenth Century", Journal of Asian History, 18/2: 136-173.
Miyawaki, Junko (1997). "The Birth of the Oyirad Khanship", Central Asiatic Journal, 41/1; 38-75.
Miyawaki, Junko (1997). "The Khoyid Chief Amursana in the Fall of the Dzungars: The Importance of the Oyirad Family Trees discovered in Kazan", in Árpád Berta, Edina Horváth, ed. Historical and Linguistic Interaction between Inner-Asia and Europe: Proceedings of the 39th Permanent International Conference (PIAC), Szeged, Hungary, June 16-21, 1996 (Szeged: Dept. of Altaic Studies, University of Szeged), 195-205.
Munkh-Erdene, Lhamsuren (2010). "The 1640 Great Code: An Inner Asian Parallel to the Treaty of Westphalia", Central Asian Survey, 29/3: 269-288.
Veit, Veronika (1986). "Qalqa 1691 bis 1911", in Michael Weiers, Veronika Veit, Walther Heissig, ed. Die Mongolen: Beiträge zu ihrer Geschichte und Kultur (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft), 435-466.
Veit, Veronika (1990). Die Vier Qane von Qalqa: ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der politischen Bedeutung der nordmongolischen Aristokratie in den Regierungsperioden Kang-hsi bis Ch‘ien-lung (1661-1796) anhand des biographischen Handbuches Iledkel šastir aus dem Jahre 1795 (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz).
Veit, Veronika (2009). "The Eastern Steppe: Mongol Regimes after the Yuan (1368-1636)", in Nicola Di Cosmo, Allen J. Frank, Peter B. Golden, ed. The Cambridge History of Inner Asia: The Chinggisid Age (Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press), 157-181.