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亦稱“清言”或“玄談”
During the mid-to-late Eastern Han dynasty, the trend of so-called "pure discussions" (qingyi 清議), i.e., moralistic critique, flourished. Scholars in that age engaged in evaluating the character and virtue of high officials, assessing those in power, and criticising the abuses of authority by eunuchs. Others focused on appraising renowned literati, judging their moral integrity and personal conduct - standards rooted in ethics and orthodox teachings. These judgments (才性之學) became essential criteria for official selection and public recognition (see jiupin). 劉劭的《人物志》就是關于才性問題的代表作。
The expression qingtan goes back to The Book of the Later Han后漢書, in the Biography of Guo Tai 郭太列傳, records: “Kong Gongxu 孔公緒 was skilled in refined discourse and lofty arguments 清談高論, able to 'breathe life into the withered and wither the living by blowing.'” Which refers to an exaggerated, unrealistic form of praise and criticism in character evaluation. It means praising the unworthy so much that they appear virtuous, and denigrating the capable to the point they seem useless. In short, it denotes a kind of rhetorical embellishment that distorts reality.
Following the suppression of the Partisan Prohibitions (黨錮), the practice of freely criticising political affairs by eminent scholars began to wane, and the „pure discussions“ (qingyi 清議), which were usual instrument of public critique, gradually transformed into private qingtan talks.
In the Wei and Jin periods, qingtan talks took on two primary forms, namely first, the appraisal of human character and conduct, and discussions on profound metaphysical principles.
The appraisal of human character and conduct continued the legacy of Han-era Qingyi, but its evaluative standards shifted. Increasingly, it dismissed practical affairs in favour of promoting unrestrained, unconventional lifestyles. It also began to merge with the "Nine-Rank System" of bureaucratic classification. Though the content and emphasis evolved, the basic format of personal appraisal remained essentially unchanged. This form of Qingtan can be seen as a variant of Qingyi.
The discussion of metaphysical principles (xuanli 玄理) marked a fundamental departure from traditional Confucian orthodoxy. Thinkers revered texts such as the Yijing (Book of Changes), Dao De Jing(Laozi), and Zhuangzi—collectively termed the "Three Metaphysical Classics" (Sanxuan 三玄). This form of discourse effectively became synonymous with the teachigns of the Xuanxue 玄學 (Neo-Daoist metaphysics). It formed the intellectual core of Wei-Jin Qingtan, and was vastly different from the Qingyi of the late Han. The major philosophical themes of the „pure talks“ on Xuanxue included the theory of the "Four Roots" of talent and nature (caixing si ben 才性四本), the question whether language could fully express meaning and whether sound inherently carried emotional qualities, and the debate on the superiority of non-being over being (gui wu chong you 貴無崇有).
Participants—often refined scholars known as mingshi (名士)—would typically hold a fly-whisk (zhuwei, 麈尾) while gesturing to emphasise their arguments. Qingtan sessions generally followed a structured format involving two roles: the "host" (zhu, 主), who would present a thesis, known as "elucidation" (tong, 通), and the "guest" (ke, 客), who would challenge it with counterarguments, known as "difficulty" (nan, 難). One round of tong-nan formed a complete exchange (fan, 番). Debaters could alternate roles themselves, debate with others, or involve a third party to summarize the discussion.
The development of Wei-Jin Qingtan within the framework of Xuanxue unfolded in roughly four distinct stages.
In the later period of Cao Wei, the Zhengshi (正始) era scholars—represented by Wang Bi 王弼, 夏侯玄, and He Yan 何晏—integrated Daoist thought into Confucianism. They interpreted the Yijing (Book of Changes) through the lens of the Dao De Jing (Laozi), and interpreted the Analects through both the Yijing and the Laozi. Although they spoke in metaphysical and abstract terms, their ultimate aim was to apply this philosophy to practical governance.
Toward the end of Wei, figures such as Ji Kang 嵇康 and Ruan Ji 阮籍—the so-called “Bamboo Grove” 竹林名士 scholars—became prominent. They valued both Laozi and Zhuangzi, advocating for transcending Confucian norms in favor of spontaneous naturalism. They adopted a pose of eccentricity and social withdrawal, leading lives marked by unrestrained behavior. Their Qingtan often combined with heavy drinking and deliberate nonconformity.
In the Western Jin, court-centered literati such as Wang Yan 王衍 and Yue Guang 樂廣, 向秀、郭象 came to the fore. They took Zhuangzi’s teachings seriously, yet indulged deeply in sensual pleasures. While they were intensely preoccupied with debates over the superiority of non-being (wu) versus being (you), their discussions gradually slipped into superficial cleverness. Over time, their philosophical interpretations became superficial, inconsistent, and subject to opportunistic revision.
In the Eastern Jin, figures such as Xu Xun 許詢 and Sun Chuo 孫綽—representatives of the émigré literati who crossed the Yangtze—became emblematic. They often lingered in scenic landscapes, largely indifferent to worldly affairs. During this period, a new trend emerged: renowned scholars formed close friendships with Buddhist monks, and the discourses of Xuanxue(metaphysical Daoist philosophy) began to merge with Buddhist thought.
By the time of the Southern Dynasties, Qingtan (pure conversation) became increasingly hollow and devoid of substance. Though the practice remained fashionable, in essence, it was nearing its end.
The Qingtan scholars explained the birth and death of all things through the theories of xuanxue (Neo-Daoist metaphysics), while also infusing their discourse with purposeful political agendas. They claimed that heaven, earth, and all things were mysterious, unknowable entities. Their language was laced with so-called truths drawn from the "Three Profound Texts" (Sanxuan), one major idea being that rulers should prioritize wuwei (non-action), relinquish authority, and let things develop naturally.
In reality, this was a strategy to use the doctrines of the Three Profound Texts to influence rulers into adopting wuwei. With the ruler inactive, the aristocratic gentry—the scholar-officials—would then have the opportunity to seize real power.
Therefore, it becomes evident that the Qingtan of the Wei and Jin period reflected a complex psychology and political ambition: a desire to gain power without working for it, a spiritual emptiness, and a deceitful attempt to secure class privilege under the guise of metaphysical discourse.
The most important contemporary document about age of the pure talks is Liu Yiqing’s 劉義慶 collection Shishuo xinyu 世說新語.
Sources:
Chen Ying 陳瑛, and Xu Qixian 許啟賢, eds. 1989. Zhongguo lunli da cidian 中國倫理大辭典, 620. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe.
Hua Qiang 華強. 1998. "Wie Jin qingtan he xuanxue 魏晉清談和玄學." In Zhongguo wenshi baike 中國文史百科, edited by Zhang Dainian 張岱年, vol. 2, 1264. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe.
Jiang Xijin 蔣錫金, ed. 1990. Wen-shi-zhe xuexi cidian 文史哲學習辭典, 449. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe.
Li Binghai 李炳海. 1996. "Qingtan 清談." In Zhuzi baijia da cidian 諸子百家大辭典, edited by Feng Kezheng 馮克正, and Fu Qingsheng 傅慶升, 736. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe.
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Wu Wu 吳悟. 1997. "Qingtan zhi feng 清談之風." In Zhongguo ruxue 中國儒學, edited by Pang Pu 龐樸, vol. 3, 294. Shanghai: Dongfang chuban zhongxin.
Xie Guoxiang 謝國祥, Yang Maochang 楊茂昌, and Rong Changhai 榮長海, eds. 1992. Sixiang zhengzhi gongzuo da cidian 思想政治工作大辭典, 1046. Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe.
Xu Kangsheng 許抗生. 1986. "Qingtan 清談." In Zhongguo da baike quanshu 中國大百科全書, part Zhexue 哲學, vol. 2, 688. Beijing and Shanghai: Zhongguo da baike quanshu chubanshe.
Zhongguo baike da cidian bianweihui 《中國百科大辭典》編委會, ed. 1990. Zhongguo baike da cidian 中國百科大辭典, 9. Beijing: Huaxia chubanshe.
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