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Confucius (Latinised from Chinese Kongzi 孔子 or Kongfuzi 孔夫子 "Master Kong", 551-479 BCE), Chinese name Kong Qiu 孔丘, courtesy name Zhongni 中尼, was the most important Chinese philosopher. He is traditionally regarded as the father of the philosophical school of Confucianism (rujiao 儒教), although the tradition of the experts on rituals (ru 儒), sometimes rendered in English as "ruists", predates Confucius himself. His teachings were elevated to a state doctrine during the Former Han period 前漢 (206 BCE-8 CE). Confucianism was reinterpreted by adopting cosmological concepts during the Song period 宋 (960-1279). In this form, it is known in the West as Neo-Confucianism (the most important Chinese terms for "Neo-Confucianism" are lixue 理學 or daoxue 道學). During the 20th century, Confucianism was, especially among academics, blamed for China's backwardness. Only with the abandonment of socialist ideology in the late 1990s did Confucianism again become a unifying force in Chinese culture.
There were "Confucians before Confucius" (Rosenlee 2006). "Confucians" are usually called rujia 儒家. This Chinese term derives from the word ru 儒, which ancient philosophers interprete as "soft" or "peaceful" (rou 柔: Shuowen jiezi 說文解字, Zheng Xuan's 鄭玄 commentary on the Liji 禮記), meaning someone who is able to appease and calm others through decent behaviour. Other commentators use the word "smoothener" (ru 濡: Zheng Xuan, Huang Kan's 皇侃 commentary on the Shuowen jiezi) for such a mediating role. The ru were mediators not only between people, but especially between Heaven, Earth and Man (Fayan 法言). For this task, they needed constancy (buyi 不易: Hanshi waizhuan 韓氏外傳) as well as expertise (shu 術, ji 伎) to discern (Fengsu tongyi 風俗通義) what was proper and what was not. From the inscriptions on oracle bones, it seems that the word ru 濡 referred to a kind of ritual washing performed before sacrifices were made.
It is unclear when ru (or ritual) experts existed, but they may have originated in very early times. This is evident in the burials of the Neolithic period and in tomb furnishings of the Erlitou culture 二里頭 (1900-1350 BC) of the early Shang period 商 (17th-11th cent. BCE), which indicate that rituals played an important role in religious and social life. During Confucius' time the rituals of the Xia 夏 (17th-15th cent. BCE) were still performed in the state of Qi 杞, and those of Shang in the state of Song 宋.
Scholars of the early 20th century sought to determine the true origins of the ru experts. Some identified them as a class of professionals from the Shang period, while others placed them as experts in the state of Lu 魯, the home state of Confucius. It is certain that the term ru emerged only during the late Spring and Autumn period 春秋 (770-5th cent. BCE). The ru were specialists in rituals and music, with a particular focus on funeral rites and ancestor veneration. These rituals were so complex that all courts of the various states, as well as members of the wealthy class, required such experts. Their professional knowledge continued to play an important part in Confucian teaching and was crucial to the establishment of Confucianism as a state doctrine during the Former Han period. Beyond pure rituals (type, arrangement and number of sacrificial tools; music to be played; actions to be performed), etiquette played an important part in the teachings of the ru. The term for rituals is li 禮, and that for etiquette is yi 儀. The first character includes the radical "spiritual matters" (示) and a sacrificial vessel (豊), while the second character consists of the radical "man" (亻) and the term "to make oneself beautiful" (義). The latter became one of the core concepts of Confucianism and is usually translated as "righteousness" or "propriety". At the time of Confucius, social comportment such as trustworthiness, seriousness or loyalty had ceased to be observed by the ru experts, and they had become simple-minded practitioners of rituals without much regard for the social context of etiquette. For Confucius, a ritual expert had to live as an example for others, with high moral standards. For him, the living were as important as the dead.
After Confucius' death, many other philosophical schools emerged (the "hundred contending schools") that offered different concepts for the ordering of society. Daoists, with their "soft" approach, can be called the "original ru", especially because they did not adhere to the collar of rituals. The Mohists also discarded the rituals, especially the expensive mourning rituals, and advocated returning to a basic etiquette in an equally levelled society. This was, by the way, also an aspect stressed by Confucius: that a small man with the right behaviour was more valid than a depraved nobleman. The ru were thus the fathers of many different philosophical schools and only became more rigorous after they had to distinguish themselves from the new schools.
The late Warring States-period 戰國 (5th cent.-221 BCE) thinker Xun Kuang 荀況 (Xunzi 荀子, 313-238 BCE) linked the quality of the ru to the ability to govern a state. From a class of professionals (like physicians or teachers), the ru, then as adherents of the school of "Confucians" (rujia 儒家), had entered the realm of politics and participated in government affairs. Their usefulness for government was doubted by contemporaries, because ruists were still experts in the rituals and knew the many ritual writings by heart, yet this seemed a thankless and very impractical pursuit in political terms. At the beginning of the Han period, the ru professed in the six writings (liuyi 六藝; what later became the "Six Classics" liujing 六經) and adhered to the traditional social hierarchies of the time of Confucius.
The "Confucians" also venerated the ancient sages of the past, including the mythological emperors Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, the founders of the Zhou dynasty 周 (11th cent.-221 BCE), King Wen 周文王 and King Wu 周武王, as well as the latter's brother, the Duke of Zhou 周公. According to Han-period historiography, the Duke of Zhou was characterised by benevolent and righteous behaviour, loyally assisted his brother in the war against the Shang dynasty, and later ruled on behalf of his nephew, the young (?) King Cheng 周成王. He performed the rituals for the king, drafted all proclamations necessary to firmly establish the rule of the dynasty and cultivated himself to bring peace to the kingdom and the people. The Duke also created the rituals necessary for the correct performance of the state sacrifices, the audiences at the court and the interaction between state officials of different layers of administration. Later Confucians therefore saw him as "the first Confucian" and often mentioned him together with Confucius (with the joint term Zhou-Kong 周孔). The Duke of Zhou occupied a position for which all Confucians later envied him, namely that of the sage philosopher acting as a regent for a king. Confucius himself was never so happy to be given such a function. The Duke of Zhou was highly venerated by Confucius. In his later years, Confucius was worried about his spiritual potential when he ceased dreaming of the Duke.
Confucius is said to have lived from 552 or 551 to 479 BCE (his birthday is celebrated on the 27th day of the 8th lunar month). He was a descendant of the house of Song 宋, heirs to the last prince of Shang 商 (17th-11th cent. BCE). Confucius' direct ancestors had fled during an internal unrest and had found exile in the state of Lu 魯. His father, Ju Shu Ge 郰叔紇, served the dukes of Lu, but he died when Confucius was still young. Confucius as a half-orphan lived a very austere life in his youth and never received an appropriate education. At the age of 15 sui, he began studying everything he could and was therefore later called a "universal erudite" (boxue 博學). He was especially interested in the ancient rites and music, but also learned shooting with the bow, driving the chariot, reading and arithmetic (the so-called six arts of the nobleman, liuyi 六藝). Confucius often visited the state altars and asked the priests about everything he wanted to know (mei shi wen 每事問). His eagerness for learning is evident in his statement that when he was accompanied by others, somebody was certainly able to be his teacher (san ren xing, bi you wo shi yan 三人行，必有我師焉). In his later years, Confucius became the first private teacher in Chinese history. Before Confucius, learning took place only in state academies (like the Jixia Academy 稷下 in the state of Qi 齊 or the princely Biyong Hall 辟雍 or Mingtang Hall 明堂 of the Zhou dynasty). Confucius assembled disciples around him to whom he taught the meaning and the importance of the old classical books, such as the Shijing 詩經 "Book of Songs" and Shangshu 尚書 "Book of Documents". His career as a state official was not very brilliant. In his twenties he was appointed master of the granaries (weili 委吏) and of the state-owned cattle (chengtian 乘田).
In 515, Duke Zhao of Lu 魯昭公 (r. 541-510) had to flee the usurpation by the three noble families of Jisun 季孫, Mengsun 孟孫 and Shusun 叔孫 (see Sanhuan 三桓) and sought exile in the neighbouring state of Qi 齊. Confucius accompanied him and answered questions posed by Duke Jing of Qi 齊景公 (r. 547-490). During this audience, he made his famous statement that in a perfect society, the ruler behaved like a ruler, a minister like a minister, a father like a father, and a son like a son (jun jun, chen chen, fu fu, zi zi 君君，臣臣，父父，子子).
In 505, Confucius was appointed minister of justice (sikou 司寇) in the state of Lu, and his disciple Zilu 子路 was made counsellor to the regent Ji Huanzi 季桓子. During the reign of Duke Ding 魯定公 (r. 509-495), Confucius, appointed as counsellor (zhong duzai 中都宰), submitted a plan to deprive the three noble families of their power, but it could not be realised, and he left Lu.
From then on, Confucius travelled from state to state, offering his advice to the rulers of Wei 衛, Song, Chen 陳 and Cai 蔡. Yet he was never appointed to a prominent state office for any length of time (he served as Junior Minister of Works, xiao sikong 小司空 and Senior Minister of Justice, da sikou 大司寇), and thus was unable to become the counsellor of a noble ruler who would revive the glory of the kings of the past. In 484, he returned to Lu, disappointed. At least he was received as a famous teacher by the regent Ji Kangzi 季康子, received a scholarship and was encouraged to continue his teachings. In old age, he was granted the title of "Older of the State" (guolao 國老) and was allowed to bring forward suggestions for a better government.
Confucius died in 479. Duke Ai 魯哀公 (r. 494-467) personally wrote a eulogy, and Confucius was granted an extravagant burial. His disciples were allowed to observe a three-year mourning period, as is normally done for a father's death. The site of his tomb (in modern Qufu 曲阜, Shandong), together with the temple and his ancient mansion (Kongzi guju 孔子故居, Queli 闕里), have since been venerated as a sacred place.
Emperor Gaozu 漢高祖 (r. 206-195 BCE) of the Han dynasty was the first to honour Confucius with the Grand Sacrifice (tailao 太牢). In the year 1 CE Emperor Ping 漢平帝 (1 BCE-5 CE) bestowed upon Confucius the title of Baochengxuan Ni gong 褒成宣尼公 "Duke Ni, Great accomplished and wide-reaching". The honourific titles by which Confucius is called are numerous. The most important of them are Wensheng Ni fu 文聖尼父 "Cultivated and Holy Father Ni", Xianshi Ni fu 先師尼父 "Primordial teacher Father Ni", Xiansheng xianshi 先聖先師 "Primordial Saint and Teacher", Zhisheng xianshi 至聖先師 "Perfect Saint and Primordial Teacher", Wanshi shibiao 萬世師表 "Manifest Teacher of Ten Thousand Generations", Zouguo gong 鄒國公 "Duke of Zou", Wenxuanwang 文宣王 "Cultivated and Wide-Reaching King", and the like. Even if the veneration of Confucius is organised within the framework of ancestor veneration and expanded by aspects of a state cult, liturgical practices and prayers make Confucianism a religion.
While the earlier ru had been experts in ritual matters, Confucius transformed the content of their rituals into a social philosophy. For him, a ritual expert could not be anything other than a person of high moral integrity. His two main concepts were kindheartedness (ren 仁, also translatable as "humanity", "kindness" or "benevolence") and ritual (li 禮). Kindheartedness was the expression of righteousness (yi 義, also translatable as "generosity" or "philanthropy") and the result of unselfishness (gong 公, as opposed to si 私 "selfishness").
The term ren refers to the interaction between two people (the character is derived from the characters for "man" 亻 and that of "two" 二). Relations between two interacting persons had become all the more important as status had become less important than abilities. Ren "kind interaction between persons" was therefore raised by Confucius to a status it had never had before among the class of the ru "ritual specialists". It almost seems as if Confucius were the inventor of this term, especially as it only rarely appears in "pre-Confucian" texts. In contemporary writings such as the histories Guoyu 國語 and Zuozhuan 左傳, ren means "to have affections towards someone else" or "kind behaviour".
For Confucius, ren had many different meanings, depending on the context. To be ren was, "to be a human" (ren zhe, ren ye 仁者，人也。). It meant "to have an affection towards others" (ai ren 愛人), whoever they might be. A kind-hearted man thus had to overcome the distinction between relatives and non-relatives, or between those close in a social network and those standing at a distance. Confucius transcended the narrow frame of "being related [only] to relatives" (qin qin 親親) and "venerating [only] the venerable" (zun zun 尊尊). Yet this did not mean that Confucius did not lay stress on respect for parents: filial piety played an important role in his ritual-guided thinking and was "the root of kindness" (xiaodi zhe, qi wei ren zhi ben 孝弟者其爲仁之本), but it also had to be extended to others.
Confucius's most famous statement about benevolence is that "what I dislike should not be done to others" (ji suo bu yu, wu shi yu ren 己所不欲，勿施於人), or, vice versa, to erect or "promote" (i.e. support) others if one wanted to erect or "promote" oneself (ji yu li er li ren, ji yu da er da ren 己欲立而立人，己欲達而達人). One's own feelings had to be transferred to others (tui ji ji ren 推己及人). Confucius provided numerous examples of how kindheartedness was to be applied. A person being ren did use straight, simple words, without adornment and skilled speech. He "loves the mountains, quietness and longevity", i.e., something immovable, reliable and constant. A man displaying kindheartedness was respectful (gong 恭), magnanimous (kuan 寬), truthful (xin 信), diligent (min 敏), and gracious (hui 惠). In all his conversations, Confucius did not adhere to one single theoretical definition of what ren was, but he provided dozens of examples of what kindheartedness could be in practice. Ren was a practical virtue, used in daily life and easy to apply. Such virtues (de 德) were fully displayed by giving up the self (ke ji 克己), "not seeking one's own life" (wu qiu sheng 無求生), and by "killing one's own body" (sha shen 殺身). He said it was good to know what ren was, but it was yet better to like ren, and the best was to enjoy kindheartedness displayed towards others.
The way (dao 道) of the cultivated man was never inclined towards one extreme, but followed the "golden mean" (zhongyong 中庸, zhongxing 中行 "well-balanced behaviour"). Confucius' grandson 孔伋 (Zisi 子思, 483-402 BCE), therefore, wrote - according to common belief - the book Zhongyong 中庸 "Doctrine of the Mean".
Parents were to be served during their lifetime and venerated after their death. As long as a father was alive, a son had to respect his will, and after his father's death, his way of life had to be taken as an example (fu zai guan qi zhi, fu mo guan qi xing 父在觀其志，父沒觀其行). Filial piety was said not only to nourish the parents (something that animals do, too), but also to show them respect.
The term yi 義 is often translated as "righteousness". Yet it must be understood as the substance of all activities and as the right manner in which something is performed in a particular situation. It is a kind of behaviour "appropriate" (yi 宜) to the actual situation. While kindheartedness was mainly reserved for the private sphere (father and son), appropriate behaviour was applied in the official sphere (lord and minister, husband and wife, younger and older, friend and friend, the "five human relations" wulun 五倫 or wuchang 五常). The appropriate behaviour of the perfect man of virtue (junzi 君子) was often contrasted with selfishness and the search for profit (li 利) by the mean man (xiaoren 小人).
Kindheartedness began at home with filial piety (xiao 孝) towards the parents (shi qin 事親 "to serve the parents") and with love and respect for older brothers (di 弟, also ti 悌). It was therefore tied to family relationships and by no means equal to the Christian universal love. Affection towards others (ai ren 愛人) ranked only in second place. In the official sphere, kindheartedness was expressed in two ways. The first was loyalty towards superiors (zhong 忠), and the second was respect towards others (shu 恕). Loyalty (zhong) towards superiors (shi jun 事君 "to serve one's lord") was important for the functioning of a state, a smaller polity, or even an enterprise in the widest sense. Filial piety was likewise a crucial constituent of a well-functioning society. Without it, social disorder would erupt. Zeng Shen 曾參 (Zengzi 曾子, 505-436), a disciple of Confucius, compiled the small book Xiaojing 孝經 "Classic on filial piety".
A ruler, faced with the loyalty of his own ministers and the people, had the duty to respond to this loyalty with benevolence. The kindhearted ruler granted to the people what they liked (yin min zhi li er li zhi 因民之所利而利之), lowered taxes, and used the penal law with caution. He led the people along the right way by the force of his virtue (ren zheng de zhi 仁政德治 "kindhearted government and rule by virtue") and made them feel treated justly by applying the proper rituals (dao zhi yi de, qi zhi yi li 道之以德，齊之以禮 "He leads them by means of virtue and makes them equal by means of rites."). The righteous ruler appointed competent, wise and worthy talents (ju xiancai 舉賢才) as his advisors. While the ruler responded to the loyalty and respect (jing 敬) of his ministers with kindheartedness (ren), the father answered the filial piety (xiao) of his son with generosity (ci 慈). Comportment and behaviour within a family are closely compared with those in a state, and each family was seen as a basic cell of the whole empire. If there was benevolence and kindness, filial piety and generosity inside each family, these qualities would also be found at the level of a state's government. A generous father would incite filial behaviour in his son, and a decent and benevolent ruler would make his ministers most loyal not because they were seeking profit but because they were convinced to serve their lord with their utmost sincerity.
Kindheartedness could move others and change their hearts. It had an educational and exemplary character that could move the hearts of an entire people. To become an exemplary personality, constant cultivation of the self was necessary (xiu shen 修身, xiu ji 修己, zheng shen 正身). In Confucius’s view, everyone could become kindhearted if one truly wanted to (wo yu ren, si ren zhi yi 我欲人，斯仁至矣。). The best way to become a kindhearted person was to give up oneself and return to the proper rites (ke ji fu li 克己復禮). Finding the true form of kindheartedness was very easy, as it was to be found in oneself (wei ren you ji 爲仁由己).
"Ritual" is a general term for all rules, regulations, demeanour and customs in different social contexts. Part of rituals originated in religious contexts, when people communicated with deities, spirits and the souls of ancestors. Rituals were to be observed at regular intervals and in fixed patterns. The rites of the Zhou dynasty also defined which state officials performed which duties in administration. Everyone had a defined position with specific duties. The term li can be translated as "kind behaviour in an official context". During Confucius's time, many noblemen disobeyed these ancient prescriptions and rebelled against their lords and masters. Rituals had become empty terms and designations. In such a society, it was impossible to respect Heaven or to offer sacrifices to the spirits. Without rites, it was impossible to assign everyone their position in society. The positions of lord and minister, old and young, husband and wife would be utterly disturbed. Members of the upper and lower nobility indulged in luxury and lacked a sense of appropriate modesty and frugality.
It was therefore necessary to revive the perfect rites established by the Zhou dynasty (wu cong Zhou 吾從周 "I adhere to the [rites of the] Zhou"). For Confucius, rites were not a meaningless formality but had to be filled with kindheartedness to realise their full meaning. An outer guideline (li) without an inner spirit (ren) would be useless. Rites without a kindhearted spirit were meaningless, just as music without a benevolent spirit was not beautiful. Yet a personal attitude of kindheartedness without outer guidelines (rites and etiquette) would lead to confusion and chaos. Both had therefore to be combined. Rites were the standard for kind behaviour, while the latter was the spirit of all ritual behaviour. Each and every social encounter was accompanied by the performance of certain rituals, and all seeing, hearing, speaking and doing was involved in etiquette. Rituals were the outer expression of inward kindheartedness, and they were the visual and perceivable adornment of a sincere feeling. Rituals, therefore, played an important role in the private as well as in the political sphere.
In his own time, Confucius observed that designations or names (ming 名) and facts (shi 實) were no longer congruent. The government was dominated by ministers and grandees, and the regional rulers behaved like the king himself, the Son of Heaven. The only way to restore order under Heaven was to "rectify names" (zhengming 正名). A ruler had to behave like a ruler, and a minister like a minister (not like a ruler). Only strict adherence to what the Zhou rites prescribed would lead to a stable and peaceful society. Every ruler had to observe the rites of the Zhou and to fill them with the spirit of kindheartedness. The virtuous power (de 德) of the ruler, combined with the correct sense of sparingly used punishment (xing 刑), would offer the population the right sense of what was correct and decent. Politics was, to "rule in the correct way" (zheng zhe zheng ye 政者正也), with the help of the ancient rites (yi li zhi guo 以禮治國 "to rule a country with the help of rites"). A ruler who had rectified his own behaviour would be able to bring peace to his country (xiu ji yi an ren 修己以安人). If a ruler reigned with the help of rites, his ministers would serve him with loyalty (jun shi chen yi li, chen shi jun yi zhong 君使臣以禮，臣事君以忠). If the ruler had cultivated himself, everyone would follow him even without being given orders (qi shen zheng, bu ling er xing, 其身正，不令而行), yet a ruler without kindheartedness would not be obeyed even if he decreed orders (qi shen bu zheng, sui ling bu cong 其身不正，雖令不從). Although it was good if the people had sufficient food and a state had a good army, a state whose people did not trust their ruler would never flourish. In a state governed by appropriate rituals, the ruler was like the polestar around which the people willingly gathered. This could only happen if the ruler gave up himself and returned to the ancient rites (ke ji fu li 克己復禮), motivated by the spirit of kindheartedness and simplicity.
Confucius' philosophy was focused on society, and he seldom mentions Heaven (tian 天) and does not place man within a cosmological pattern. Yet this does not mean that Confucius did not believe in spirits, ghosts, and spirits, or in the impersonal Heaven as an arbiter of right and wrong. The man of virtue was well aware of the power of Heaven and its importance for the stability of the dynasty and society. Confucius, in his own words, knew the rules according to which Heaven observed the earthly rulers, granting them the "Heavenly Mandate" (tianming 天命), but also the common man, and shaped his life, fortune and fate (si sheng you ming, fu gui zai tian 死生有命，富貴在天 "Dead and life are a man's fate, and his richness and grandeur lies with Heaven.").
Only a few people have innate knowledge (sheng er zhi zhi 生而知之). Apart from these men of virtue (junzi 君子, literally "son of a lord"), all others had to learn constantly (xue er xi shi zhi 學而時習之) and could achieve their understanding of life through learning (xue er zhi zhi 學而知之). Good examples had to be followed (ze qi shan zhe er cong zhi 擇其善者而從之), and bad examples avoided (qi bu shan zhe er gai zhi 其不善者而改之). Everything one could observe and learn was thus constantly subject to evaluation and reflection. Learning and reflection on what was learnt could lead to the way to righteousness. Kindheartedness could be learnt from one's own heart, and there was no way to obstruct those who were willing to learn with the aim of becoming a man of virtue. Only the "small man" would not try to learn or would act without learning, or learn without reflecting on what he had learnt. Confucius knew that it was hard to become a perfect noble, yet there were some points to be observed that at least could lead in the proper direction, namely to study the Classical writings (wen 文), correct behaviour (xing 行), loyalty (zhong 忠) and trustfulness (xin 信).
Confucius did not compile his own writings. He saw himself as a transmitter rather than an author (shu er bu zuo 述而不作 "I transmit and do not author."). Yet he studied the ancient classics and often quoted from them, trusting the thoughts of the ancients (xin er hao gu 信而好古 "he loved antiquity and believed in it"). The ancient writings were the Shijing 詩經 "Book of Songs", the Shangshu 尚書 "Book of Documents", the Yijing 易經 "Book of Changes", and the ritual books. Confucius was later credited with compiling these books, as well as the chronicle of the state of Lu, the Chunqiu 春秋 "Spring and Autumn Annals". Yet textual research shows that the core of these texts is much older than Confucius. Later, these writings were canonised as the "Confucian Classics". Confucius' own teachings are preserved in the Lunyu 論語 "Confucian Analects", compiled by his disciples.
The "Book of Songs" is a selection of 305 songs and hymns from a corpus of several thousand. Confucius is said to have made this selection to preserve those songs that express the thought of ritual and etiquette. The original hundred chapters of the "Book of Documents" contain the most important speeches, giving an impression of how the benevolent ruler would be rewarded with the Heavenly mandate. Confucius is also said to have revised ancient records of rites, but the history of the three ritual books (Liji, Yili 儀禮 and Zhouli 周禮) is very complex. According to a saying attributed to Confucius, all matters began with the "Songs", took shape with the "Rituals", and were accomplished in the "Music". It is unclear whether a book about music (a hypothetical Yuejing 樂經) ever existed, but such a text is always counted among the "six Classics" (liujing 六經). Music was later seen as part of rituals, so a chapter on music, the Yueji 樂記, is included in the ritual book Liji. The "Book of Changes" consists of two parts, the core being a book on prognostication with the help of hexagrams, together with commentaries on these hexagrams. These "ten wing" commentaries (shiyi 十翼) are attributed to Confucius. The "Spring and Autumn Annals" is a chronicle of China written from the perspective of the state of Lu. Confucius is said to have compiled this book to criticise the chaotic and brutal circumstances of his time and the neglect of kindheartedness and benevolence (li beng yue huai 禮崩樂壞 "the rites were shattered, and the [proper] music was destroyed"). Zuo Qiuming 左丘明 (c. 502- c.422) wrote a kind of parallel to the Chunqiu, the Zuozhuan 左傳, which is more narrative and less cryptic than the main classic.
According to common sayings, Confucius had no fewer than 3,000 disciples (dizi 弟子), among whom 70 were "worthy" (xianren 賢人). Confucius's most important disciples were Yan Hui 顔回 (Ziyuan 子淵, 521-481), Zilu 子路 (542-480), Zigong 子貢 (b. 520), Zai Yu 宰予 (522-458), Zixia 子夏 (born c. 507), Ziyou 子游 (born c. 506), Zeng Shen (Zengzi) and Zisi 子思 (Kong Ji, a grandson of Confucius). In total, there were 72 canonised disciples or Confucian "worthies" (Kong men qishier xian 孔門七十二賢, see below), ten of whom are praised as the "ten wise of the Confucian school" (Kong men shi zhe 孔門十哲).
In the late Warring States period, Confucius’s teachings were interpreted in diverse ways. The book Hanfeizi 韓非子 (ch. Xianxue 顯學) distinguishes between eight different schools (rujia ba pai 儒家八派) that emerged after the passing away of Kongzi, namely the schools of Zizhang 子張 (Zhuansun Shi 顓孫師, 503-447 BCE), Zisi, Master Yan 顏氏 (Yan Hui), Master Meng 孟氏 (i.e. Meng Ke 孟軻 or Mengzi 孟子, 385-304 or 372-289), Master Qidiao 漆雕氏, Master Zhongliang 仲良氏, Master Sun 孫氏 (i.e., Xun Kuang 荀況 or Xunzi 荀子, 313-238), and Master Yuezheng 樂正氏.
Zizhang was a disciple of Confucius. His questions about kindness (ren) and government are recorded in the Lunyu. Xunzi did not regard him highly and called him a low-standing scholar (jianru 賤儒) because of certain attitudes of this master. Zizhang is a central figure in the "Analects" and is known for his studies of universal human relationships, which may have influenced the concept of "universal love" (jian'ai 兼愛) of Mo Di 墨翟 (Mozi 墨子, c. 476-c. 390 BCE).
The teachings of Zisi, Mengzi, and Master Yuezheng were not divergent, as Mengzi had been instructed by disciples of Zisi, and Yuezheng Ke 樂正克 was himself a disciple of Mengzi. The book Zisi 子思, with 23 chapters, is lost, but fragments were published in the reconstructed book Zisizi 子思子. Zisi was a grandson of Confucius and is believed to have compiled the book Zhongyong. Chen Jiqiu 陳奇猷 (d. 1635), a commentator on the book Hanfeizi, held the view that the Yuezheng School was not founded by Mengzi's disciple Yuezheng Ke, but by Yuezheng Zichun 樂正子春, a disciple of Zengzi.
Yan Hui was one of Confucius’ most important disciples, and much of his teaching is known from the discussions recorded in the Lunyu. Yet among the Master's disciples and partners, there were eight persons with the family name Yan (Yan Wuyao 顏無繇, Yan Hui 顏回, Yan Xing 顏幸, Yan Gao 顏高, Yan Zu 顏祖, Yan Zhipu 顏之仆, Yan Kuai 顏噲, and Yan He 顏何), so it is not certain that the words "Master Yan" refer to Yan Hui. One of his ideas was quiescence and cultivation, which is why he is also mentioned in the Daoist book Zhuangzi 莊子.
Very little is known about Master Qidiao, but the book Lunheng 論衡 (ch. Benxing 本性) records that he held the view that goodness and evilness were in man's heart. His teachings were similar to those of Mizi Jian 宓子賤 (Mi Buqi 宓不齊, author of Mizi 宓子), Gongsun Nizi 公孫尼子 (author of Gongsun Nizi 公孫尼子), and Shi Shuo 世碩 (author of Shizi 世子). Of the 13 chapters of the book Qidiaozi 漆雕子, only fragments survive. The Lunyu and Confucius' biography in the history book Shiji 史記 mention three persons with the family name Qidiao, namely Qidiao Kai 漆雕開 (Qidiao Qi 漆雕啟, b. 540 BCE), Qidiao Duo 漆雕哆, and Qidiao Tufu 漆雕徒父 (or Qidiao Cong 漆雕從). Qidiao Kai was quite probably the author of the book Qidiaozi. He refused to take over a state office and was known as a courageous and steadfast person.
Nothing is known of Master Zhongliang. The founder may be identical to Chen Liang 陳良, who is mentioned in the book Mengzi (ch. Teng Wengong A 滕文公上). Chen Liang hailed from Chu 楚 and was the teacher of Chen Xiang 陳相 and Chen Xin 陳辛. He later became an adherent of the school of agriculturalists (nongjia 農家), fierce enemies of Mengzi. Chen Qiqiu believed that the school originated with Zhongliangzi 仲梁子, who is mentioned in the ritual Classic Liji (ch. Tangong A 檀弓上) in a passage on burial rites, and in a commentary on the "Book of Songs", Maoshi zhuan 毛詩傳. It can be concluded that this school merged the teachings of Zeng Sen (Zengzi) and Zixia.
Many of the eight Confucian schools fell into oblivion. Only the thoughts of Zisi, Mengzi, and Xunzi survived intac. The Republican scholar Guo Moruo 郭沫若 (1892-1978) wrote a study of the early Confucian schools, Rujia bapai de piping 儒家八派的批判.
Mengzi stood in the tradition of Zisi and refined the latter's propositions (see Xunzi 荀子, ch. Fei shi'erzi 非十二子). While Confucius preached to the upper class, telling them how to behave as "gentlemen" to create a peaceful society, Mengzi made the rulers the focus of his philosophy. Confucianism thus shifted from a social to a political philosophy. Benevolence and kindheartedness were the right ways of government. Only their application would contribute to a peaceful society within a state and, in turn, to a strong nation able to fend off all foreign challenges. Heaven, as the "father" of the ruler, would express his concerns about a brutal, exploitative government by causing the people to rise in rebellion. Joyful and satisfied subjects were thus the basis of successful government. This could be achieved through governance with kindness (renzheng 仁政), in a kind of "royal way of rule" (wangdao 王道), following the precedents of the sacred rulers of the past, such as Yao 堯 and Shun 舜, King Wen of Zhou 周文王, and the Duke of Zhou. Confucian scholars would be able to educate (jiaohua 教化) rulers, and the latter would have a virtuous power (dehua 德化) over their subjects because the human character was good by nature (ren xing ben shan 人性本善). Such theories emerged because Confucians had to contend with several schools advancing different arguments for the best way to rule a state.
The concept of benevolence seemed insufficient in the face of the institutional reforms that took place in many states during the Warring States period. Xun Kuang, the last of the grand Confucian masters of pre-imperial times, therefore advocated the strict use of rituals (li) to govern state and society, thereby establishing a Confucian counterweight to the legalist use of laws (fa 治). Rituals and learning would enable humans to return to the way of virtue and were to be seen as artificial instruments to counteract the basic evilness of human character (ren zhi xing e 人之性惡). While the human character was crude and unrefined by nature, "artificial" (wei 偽) education and propriety would refine and perfect it.
Under the rule of the First Emperor of Qin 秦始皇 (r. 246-210 BCE), the "hundred schools of thought" were abolished and had to cede to make room for legalism and practical sciences, such as medicine, agriculture, divination and military thought. This stance was relaxed at the beginning of the Han period 漢 (206 BCE-220 CE). The first Han rulers were adherents of a Daoist policy of non-action (wuwei 無為). This "free market" policy helped the national economy to recover after decades of war and unrest. Yet an advisor to the founder of the Han, Shusun Tong 叔孫通 (d. 189), stressed the importance of utilising men who were experts in Confucianism to establish a well-functioning administration. Under the rule of Emperor Wu 漢武帝 (r. 141-87), Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (179-104), a philosopher who combined cosmological speculation with the Confucian view of the state, convinced the emperor that adopting Confucianism as the sole state doctrine would greatly benefit the coherence of the dynasty, the bureaucracy and the empire. All other schools were no longer considered worthy of state sponsorship (bachu baijia 罷黜百家 "driving out the hundred schools").
Yet Han-period Confucianism was not a single tradition. Three main traditions competed for intellectual dominance. These were the New-Text School (jinwenpai 今文派), the Old-Text School (guwenpai 古文派), and the schools of the apocryphal writings (chenweixue 讖緯派). The New-Text School relied on Confucian Classics that had survived the Qin dynasty’s prohibition. The Old-Text School interpreted texts allegedly discovered in the walls of Confucius' mansion in Qufu, hidden there to preserve them from the First Emperor's decree to burn "useless" or heretic books. The apocryphal texts presented Confucian teachings as Heavenly revelations. The New-Text School prevailed during the Former Han period 前漢 (206 BCE-8 CE), and the Old-Text School during the Later Han period 後漢 (25-220 CE). Only at the end of the Later Han period did adherents of the New-Text School regain ground.
The most famous Old-Text scholars, interpreters, and commentators were Zheng Xing 鄭興 (around the time of Christ's birth), Jia Kui 賈逵 (30-101 CE), and Ma Rong 馬融 (79-166 CE), while Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127-200 CE) was the most important New-Text commentator of the very late Han period. His interpretation of the Confucian classics is known as the "teachings of Zheng" (Zhengxue 鄭學).
During the Wei 曹魏 (220-265) and Jin 晉 (265-420) periods, Confucianism had to compete with a growing interest in Daoism. The dominant philosophical current of the time was the so-called "School of the Mystery" (xuanxue 玄學), which integrated Daoist ideas into Confucianism. Yet scholars remained deeply interested in interpreting the Confucian Classics. Some modern scholars trace this preoccupation to the loss of political influence during the Later Han period, when eunuchs, relatives of empresses, and powerful generals influenced the politics of the imperial court. Scholars were likewise interested in the core Confucian writings, as well as in Daoist writings.
He Yan 何晏 (190-249) and Wang Bi 王弼 (226-249) wrote commentaries on the "Classic of Changes" Yijing and the Lunyu, as well as on the Daoist scriptures Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子. Wang Yan 王衍 (256-311) and Ji Kang 嵇康 (223-262) combined ideas of natural spontaneity and the Way’s voidness with Confucian ideas.
With the growing importance of Buddhism in China, the enmity between Buddhism and Daoism became more pronounced, while Confucianism lost its impetus. Nevertheless, Confucian tenets remained the state doctrine because Confucian scholars were experts in state rituals and in all aspects of administration. Daoism and Buddhism, as religions centred on life outside worldly society (monasteries, hermits), did not have the same administrative importance. Even powerful adherents of Buddhism, such as Emperor Wu 梁武帝 (r. 502-549) of the Liang dynasty 梁 (502-557), had Confucius temples erected, relied on Confucian experts in administration, and appointed Confucian erudites (boshi 博士) in the National University (taixue 太學). Society was based on hierarchies, about which only Confucianism had anything to say.
Scholars such as He Chengyan 何承天 (370-447) and Fan Zhen 范縝 (450-510) vehemently opposed Buddhism as a destructive ideology that would bring chaos to society, disrupt ancestor veneration, and bring a government to the brink of destruction. Confucianism was so important for the recruitment of state officials that during the Sui 隋 (581-618) and Tang 唐 (618-907) periods, the "three teachings" (sanjiao 三教), Daoism, Buddhism and Confucianism, were used for different purposes. Experts in the Confucian Classics ("classicists", mingjing 明經) and candidates passing the state examinations (jinshi 進士) had both studied Confucius's teachings and their interpretation.
At the beginning of the Tang period, a new generation of Confucian scholars produced novel commentaries on the Classics, purifying them of the Daoist influence evident in earlier commentaries. The most important commentators of that age were Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574-648) and Yan Shigu 顔師古 (581-645). Both scholars laid the foundations for the throughly new interpretation of Confucianism during the Song period. The scholar Han Yu 韓愈 (768-824) further sought to push Buddhism into the realm of religion or even superstition, and to free the field of philosophy for a new, invigorated and austere Confucianism.
Unlike Buddhism, with its complex cosmology, Confucianism had never really concerned itself with Heaven or the universe. This was a gap that late Tang and early Song scholars clearly recognised. In the 9th century, Confucian scholars therefore began to develop a Confucian cosmology, explaining that the natural Heavenly order or principle (li 理) was implanted in every human being. The social order of traditional Confucianism was a reflection of this Heavenly principle. This new kind of Confucianism (xin ruxue 新儒學) was therefore also called "teaching of the order" (lixue 理學) or "teaching of the (natural) Way" (daoxue 道學). Philosophers such as Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017-1073), Shao Yong 邵雍 (1011-1077), Zhang Zai 張載 (1020-1077), and the brothers Cheng Hao 程顥 (1032-1085) and Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033-1107) drew on Daoist concepts such as dao 道 "the Way", taiji 太極 "Utmost Extreme", and wuji 無極 "zero-dimension" to explain the universe and the formation of objects and beings in the Confucian sense. The "Classic of Changes" was used for metaphysical speculation.
The brothers Cheng also drew on hitherto neglected writings, namely the chapters Daxue 大學 and Zhongyong 中庸 of the ritual classic Liji 禮記, and placed them alongside the Lunyu "Confucian Analects" and the Mengzi, thus creating the canon of the "Four Books" (sishu 四書). These four small books contained the material for a novel, personally interpreted version of Confucianism. Instead of focusing on society as a whole, the individual scholar began to cultivate himself to discern the Heavenly and natural Way, not only within himself but also in all things on earth. The innate goodness of man came from Heaven, and everyone had the potential to become a perfect human. To detect the dao, a thorough investigation of all things was necessary (gezhi 格致).
The Southern Song-period 南宋 (1127-1279) philosopher Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130-1200) unified the diverse philosophical interpretations of the early Neo-Confucians into a coherent system. Zhu Xi was regarded as a second Confucius. He gathered disciples around him and taught them using the question-and-answer method employed by Confucius. Zhu Xi wrote an interpretation of the Four Books, the Sishu jizhu 四書章句集注, which served as the orthodox interpretation of the Four Books for centuries to come. His philosophy was the culmination of the teachings of the two Cheng brothers, and the teachings of all three scholars are therefore subsumed under the term Cheng-Zhu lixue 程朱理學 The Cheng brothers' and Zhu Xi's teachings of the Heavenly principle". Another tradition of Neo-Confucianism, represented by Lu Jiuyuan 陸九淵 (1139-1193) and Wang Shouren 王守仁 (Yangming 王陽明, 1472-1529) as representatives. Their tradition is subsumed under the term Lu-Wang xinxue 陸王心學 "Lu Jiuyuan's and Wang Yangming's teachings of the mind".
The tradition of Neo-Confucianism ended in the 17th century. Confucian scholars felt that Neo-Confucianism was too speculative and neglected the original writings of Confucianism and the necessities of government, administration and politics. The late Ming-period 明 (1368-1644) scholar Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613-1682), therefore, criticised the Neo-Confucians and initiated a more scientific approach towards the ancient Confucian writings. This new approach was quickly followed by other scholars, who began a new wave of textual criticism, lexical research to distinguish originals from forgeries, and the collection of fragments of lost texts. This scientific and intellectual movement is known as the "teachings of research and proof" (kaozhengxue 考證學). The most important scholars of this school were Mao Qiling 毛奇齡 (1623-1716), Qian Daxin 錢大昕 (1728-1804), Dai Zhen 戴震 (1723-1777), Duan Yucai 段玉裁 (1735-1815), Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717-1795), Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794-1857) and Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 (1848-1908). For the modern editions of the Confucian Classics, these scholars have made highly valuable contributions. Quite a few of them lived during the reigns of the Qianlong 乾隆 (1736-1795) and the Jiaqing 嘉慶 (1796-1820) emperors of the Qing period 清 (1644-1911), so that their school is also called the Qian-Jia School 乾嘉學派. Another term for this trend is "School of Han-period texts" (Hanxue 漢學) because they went back to texts from the early period of Confucianism to study its origins in imperial times.
The intrusion of foreign powers in the 19th century also shaped Chinese scholars' interpretations of Confucianism. While some sought to use Confucianism as an element of Chinese culture that would enable China to withstand Western influence, others held Confucianism responsible for China's backwardness. Reformers of the late 19th century sought elements in Confucianism that supported changes in administrative habits to strengthen the state and nation. Kang Youwei 康有爲 (1858-1927) and Liang Qichao 梁啟超 (1873-1929) were among those scholars, as well as Dai Jitao 戴季陶 (1891-1949), whose interpretation of Confucianism as an intrinsically Chinese philosophy able to strengthen the nation by bringing order and peace to Chinese society was used by Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi 蔣介石, 1887-1975) in his New Life Movement (Xin shenghuo yundong 新生活運動) during the 1930s. Other intellectuals, such as Liu Shipei 劉師培 (1884-1920), continued in the traditional way of interpreting Confucian writings.
Some years after the founding of the Republic of China (1911-1949), academics in Peking began to blame Confucianism for having "mummified" China (as the German philosopher J.G. Herder said). During the May Fourth Movement (Wusi yundong 五四運動) in 1919, the destruction of the "Confucius shop" (Kongdian 孔店) was seen as a crucial step towards a modern China with an advanced society and economy. This was a kind of foreplay to the Cultural Revolution (Wenhua da geming 文化大革命) in the People's Republic of China (1949-present), where Confucianism was seen as backward, "feudalistic" and worth eliminating. Confucianism was identified with strict obedience to superiors and the cementation of social status. It was also instrumentalised in the campaign against the "traitor" Lin Biao 林彪 (1907-1971), with the slogan "Criticise Lin and Confucius!" (pi Lin pi Kong 批林批孔).